Sen. Mar Roxas Speech


Sen. Mar Roxas Speech


Speech of Senator MAR Roxas
AIM Alumni Association Induction Ceremonies

6 June 2006

AIM Conference Center


[Greetings]

Thank you for the honor and the opportunity to come 
before you on this occasion, the turnover of the

leadership of your alumni association.

I see so many friends and familiar faces in the
audience that this gathering for me is somewhat of a

homecoming as well: not so much in terms of being an

alumni of AIM, but being here with you, the business

community.  I was a part of you before joining

government service. And you, through gatherings such

as this, serve to keep me grounded on how things ought

to be done.

The importance of homecomings and alumni associations
goes beyond the networking and fellowship. An alumni

association turns the nostalgia for shared experiences

into a means for continuing education after obtaining

one’s degree – an education gained from staying in

touch and sharing lessons learned since the completion

of our formal study.  Alumni associations such as

yours, not only provides support for the alma mater.

They serve as well as a vehicle for transmitting

culture, as one generation of graduates helps ensure

that the virtues of an educational institution are

upheld in daily life and in the life of the

institution.

What are these virtues? Integrity, Competence,
Accountability, Relevance. Clear benchmarks for

gauging performance. All these we imbibe not only

through what we’ve learned, but because we accept the

responsibility that our education and our various

professions impose upon us. These are the virtues that

makes for trustworthy, reliable, and credible people

and institutions.

As the theme of your association’s gathering is, so it
should be for our national life: “Leadership: Live

it.” This is the call of our times.

It is ironic that even as individual graduates have
done well for themselves and AIM itself has maintained

its outstanding reputation and high standing, the

situs of this great institution, has not.

The country – our country – is in crisis, a crisis of
confidence.

Notice that I say crisis of confidence, and not a
political crisis, because it goes beyond the simple

partisan considerations that turn off so many people

regardless of their socio-economic class. The malaise

is more pervasive than we know and like an unspoken

plague, it threatens to consume us all. It involves

the near-total assumption by the governed, that those

governing deserve neither confidence nor even token

assistance. It becomes every man for himself.

Accordingly, the led have near universal disdain for

those doing the leading.

All of us are familiar with the axiom that
differentiates between Management and Leadership.  The

former enables us to do things right. The latter

enables us to do the right thing.

Paradoxically, over the last several years, I think
it’s fair to say that we’ve seen oftentimes doing the

right thing is achieved simply by doing things right.

We have come to recognize that the folly of playing to
the crowd; the perils of going along to get along, of

thinking merely in terms of the least common

denominator; and the dangers inherent in dumbing down

of the market are present with us.

Our failing and still falling standing in all sorts of
international rankings is testament to this. World

Economic Forum Competitiveness Survey ranks us in 2005

at no. 77, down from no. 66 in 2003.  Transparency

International Corruption Index ranks us in 2005 no.

124, down from no. 97 in 2003.  Most alarmingly, for

the long-term, the Trends in International Math and

Science Survey has us, as well, ranking much lower

today than it did 5 years ago. We are no. 41 versus

no. 36 in 1998.

Well, let me assert that the market is not dumb, and
that in fact, the market has reached a consensus. That

consensus is: the country cannot continue on its

present rudderless course. Change must occur. The

consensus, such as it exists, founders at this point

due to our society’s inability to agree on what kind

of change, when, and how.

A story from the Analects of Confucius is useful to
figure out what kind of change we really need.

A student asked Confucius: “If the Prince of Wei
appointed you head of the government, to what would

you first set your mind?”

Confucius replied: “To call people and things by their
names, that is, by their correct denomination, to see

that the terminology is exact.”

The pupil could not believe his own ears. His master’s
reply seemed beside the point.

Noting his incredulity, the master said: “An
intelligent man hesitates to talk of what he doesn’t

understand, he feels embarrassment.

Confucius continued, “If the terminology be not exact,
if it fit not the thing, the governmental instructions

will not be explicit, if the instructions aren’t clear

and the names don’t fit, you cannot conduct business

properly.

“If business is not properly run, penalties and
punishments will not achieve their intended effects,

if penalties and punishments do not produce equity and

justice, the people won’t know where to put their feet

or what to lay hold of or to whom they should stretch

out their hands.

“That is why an intelligent man cares for his
terminology and gives instructions that fit. When his

orders are clear and explicit they can be put into

effect.”

The moral of this tale? Good government is founded on
respect for the truth.

Or, as Jollibee’s Tony Tan would say: be careful how
one defines the problem, else the solution will likely

be wrong.

In short, magpakatotoo tayo, nang magawa natin kung
ano ang tama.

During the Vietnam War, American confidence in their
government crumbled due to what was called “the

credibility gap”. Official statements increasingly

seemed detached from reality. This gap between reality

as the citizen knew it, and as the government wanted

them to see it, became the seed of a new emergent

attitude towards government: skepticism for government

itself, evolving into a newly-learned activism. And

America has never been the same since.

A similar credibility gap is taking place in our
country today. Headlines of GDP growth, soaring stock

markets, strengthening peso are met with the daily

reality of joblessness, higher cost of living, the

sachet-ing of the economy, and the daily exodus of

thousands of our fellow Filipinos. Thus, the

disconnect as between the citizen and this government.

That disconnect grows into a chasm as more people
realize that over the decades, ours has become a

government of rhetoric, not reality; a construct

mostly in name, not in actual service delivery.

Reality is what interests the professional manager,
not window-dressing. It is also, on a more basic but

therefore, more emotional level, what any citizen here

confronts on a daily basis.

They see what’s wrong, they sense what is true: that
the government seems to have gone off course, and it

expects the governed to blindly follow suit. They

continue to sacrifice and yet all they receive for

fulfilling their citizen’s duty is smoke and mirrors,

in short, propaganda.

Let me cite a few examples of what I mean.
Last year we spent some P900B and this year we will
spend in excess of P1 T.  That’s real money;

especially real to those who will be doing the

financing (you, me, Juan dela Cruz). And yet, except

in a few instances, many feel like life isn’t any

better after all of that spending.

Recently, the Senate began discussions on the
anti-terror bill. The bill contains extreme provisions

that would allow the State to arrest and hold

uncharged before a court, for a period of 2 weeks, an

individual suspected of being a terrorist; moreover,

it shall allow the state to generally invade the

privacy of this suspected terrorist.

And yet, we find on the management side the
fingerprint files of the NBI are in a card catalogue

and its searches are done manually, and further that

its data base are not in synch with other enforcement

agencies such as immigration for passports, LTO for

drivers licenses and the like.  In short, left hand

right hand not knowing where the real goods are.

More chillingly, one of the key implementers of the
proposed law will be the ISAFP, the same ISAFP that

abducted several people, held them incommunicado for

several days in a safe house, then surfaced them only

to have the DOJ release them for lack of evidence.

Another example is that touted by several agencies,
that of a “web-enabled” access to the services they

render, thus implying modern, fast, efficient

performance. And yet we find that past the high-tech

interface with the client, the same old manual system

that actually processes the papers is still in use.

And then, of course, we have the recent uproar over
the classroom shortages. But enough said about that.

Reality is harsh, and what applies to the foregoing
likewise applies to nearly everything else.

In short, the citizen experiences daily that acute
disconnect as between the high sounding names and

mandates of this government’s programs and projects

and this daily reality that few, if any, of these

actually touch his life or improve his lot.

Indeed, a consensus for change exists, but what the
government has proposed as an answer to address this

consensus only inspires greater division. The supreme

act of window-dressing is Charter change.

The public knows this. They know that fancy–isms,
parliamentarism, unicameralism, federalism, are in

this instance gaudy window-dressing to disguise the

true nature of the proposed changes, which is,

government for the professional politicians, by the

professional politicians, and with only the

professional politicians.

Charter change, as presently proposed, will
irreparably alter the intricate balance among our

institutions that are designed to moderate excess and

to promote good governance. Effectively, it will

concentrate power among those already in power and

reduce the chances for reform.

It does this by granting a bonus for all officials
above the barangay level by way of an election-free

additional term, abolishing term limits, lengthening

the terms of these officials from 3 years to 5 years,

severely reducing the restrictions on the imposition

of martial law and limiting, if not eliminating, the

oversight powers of other institutions such as the

Supreme Court

As for ordinary people? Well, they are asked to forego
their long-held right to choose their chief executive

and in place thereof have their politicians choose

among themselves who among them will hold the key to

the chicken coop

At the heart of this propaganda is a misconception:
that by themselves, Constitutions promote economic

development.

There is no established causal connection between the
form of government and economic development; in fact

if any, the connection is against the parliamentary

form. Winnie Monsod recently looked at the literature

on the subject and concluded that the best that can be

said, is that parliamentary governments lead to

greater expenditures because of patronage, while

presidential systems are ideally better at mobilizing

resources for national concerns.

What has been clearly established by studies conducted
by Jeffrey Sachs, the ADB and many others is the

causal connection between, not form of government, but

between good governance and economic development.

Appropriate policy choice, effective execution are

found to be the differentiating factors for success.

There is a management axiom I’m sure you’re all
familiar with: “Never give up the long term.” The

various solutions proposed by the Charter change

proponents all serve the short-term political and

power interests, and ignore or sacrifice the long

term.

There is nothing in the present Charter that prevents
government from addressing our most basic problems.

And yet despite all its inherent powers, the

government seems incapable of effectively attending to

our most pressing needs.

The public knows our problems are so extensive, that
we can only begin to solve them. What they do not see

is an honest reckoning of the truth, much less a

well-defined plan to sensibly solve things. Give a

person a plan, and it can be debated, but at least

there’s a plan. Given half a chance, I am confident

the public would give any sensible plan a chance. But

the plan must be anchored on reality not as leaders

claim exists, but on what people know for a fact to

really exist.

Education, food, health care, and jobs: these are our
national priorities. The Filipino who grew up with the

harsh realities of life here at home does amazingly

well abroad: we endlessly hear that. What we hear less

often is that they do so, because the natural

instincts of the Filipino, to be industrious,

law-abiding, productive, and enterprising, face fewer

obstacles on a daily basis overseas than they do here

at home.

So that is what we must change. It is what’s being
changed on a daily basis, in small ways, all over the

country. It is being done regardless of whether or not

those in politics are for such changes, or against

them. The effort has yet to reach a critical mass, but

it will.

It simply begins with a basic adherence to identifying
what’s real. It starts with committing to being

informed – and informing the public that their reality

is shared, conceptually, by those tasked with

leadership. Populism is fueled by frustration;

frustration is born of recognizing leaders living in a

kind of alternative universe in which the ordinary

citizen exists to be patronized and not served.

We do not need to reinvent the wheel. The Constitution
provides us with sufficient powers to promote

development and progress; and perhaps more importantly

during these turbulent times, the stability we need to

insulate us from the policy-of-the-moment swings of

our leaders.

All the constitutions in the world cannot give sight
to those who are willfully blind; however brilliantly

drafted, a constitution cannot restore social cohesion

in a society mistrustful of its leadership. Only a

leadership interested in making things work, can get a

people to go to work and work together.

But what is a leader, if there are no followers? Gary
Wills, in his book on leadership, says beyond leaders

and followers, a third element is easily overlooked –

the goal. It is the equalizer between followers and

leaders.

Millennia before Wills, Confucius said the same thing:
what is necessary to preserve the state, he was asked.

And given a choice: an army, food, or the confidence

of the people? The most expendable, he said, was the

army; next, was food: but without the confidence of

the people, no government can stand at all.

And that is what we are seeing today: a crisis of
confidence. To restore the confidence, let us identify

the one, great need, which is: to do the right thing

by doing things right.


How can we do this? First by saying no to Charter

Change as it’s being presently proposed – as with the

Hippocratic oath, first let us pledge to do no harm.

Let us solve our real problems first, and not create

new ones in the process.

Then I ask you to continue to engage government, by
holding it accountable for its actions or its

inaction.

I ask you to constantly press that government to apply
the private sector disciplines, your best practice

methods, that serve to ensure success in the real

marketplace – the good governance principles of

integrity, relevance, competence, accountability and

clear benchmarks for measuring performance, in that

way we can rebuild trust in our institutions, and

ultimately in our democracy.

These are the solutions to our very real problems;
these and nothing more, because these are the things

that count most to real people.

Enough of the smoke and mirrors. Our people know
what’s real and what’s not, even if their own

government thinks otherwise.

I want to thank you for your attention and
congratulate you for this successful event.

Thank you very much.

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